بسم الله الرحمن الرحیم Statment  By Mr. Mehdi Aliabadi Deputy Permanent Representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United Nations Office in Geneva Before  The Conference on Disarmament Geneva, 27 January 2022   Thank you Mr. President. At the outset my delegation would like to congratulate you and the People’s Republic of China for assuming the presidency of the Conference on Disarmament. Rest assured of Iran’s full support and cooperation in discharging your responsibility as the CD’s President. I would also welcome new distinguished ambassadors who recently joined us and being appointed as their respective countries’ representative in the CD.               Mr. President,   Each newyear we start with the hope for a peaceful and stable international environment, however, the last year developments were not promising and did not suggest for that hope. During 2021 the overall international security environment further deteriorated, international conflicts were on the rise, military expenditure reached almost $2 Trillion, a full-fledged qualitative and quantitative nuclear arms race continued; key international disarmament and arms control agreements remained in serious jeopardy; the risk of nuclear use raised; hundreds of billions of dollars spent to modernize, upgrade the nuclear weapons and develop new types of nuclear weapons.  At the same time, the rise in conventional military expenditures and arms sale in many parts of the world was alarming. More sophisticated armaments were poured into the already volatile region of West Asia by US, UK, France, and Germany, keeping the Middle East a top destination for weapons and fueling the atrocious ongoing conflicts across the region. The arms exporters continued to make profit at the cost of innocent people who are brutalized by these weapons in our region.    While the 10th NPT RevCon were postponed due to the Covid pandemic and we are anticipating the 9th BWC RevCon, the disarmament obligations are remained unimplemented. Obligations under article VI of the NPT that were part of package which led to the indefinite extension of the NPT in 1995 and were reaffirmed during the 2000 and 2010 NPT RevCons, regrettably, have not only been honored in the breach by the Nuclear Weapons States but also some Nuclear Weapons States made serious setbacks.  One most recent setback is the trilateral partnership named AUKUS to deliver nuclear submarines to a non-nuclear weapon state. This partnership is a clear breach of the spirit and text of the NPT particularly disarmament obligations under Article VI of that Treaty. At the same time, one cannot loss its sight on a nuclear posture called “Integrated review” by the UK, as another setback, adopted in early 2021 “to increase its nuclear warheads stockpile and keep the option of “using or threating to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapons State.”    Mr. President,  Against these troubling realities, the nature, role and the mandate of the CD as the sole multilateral disarmament negotiating forum in accordance with the final document of the SSOD-I should be emphasized more than before. The CD is best place to move the international community forward in its long quest for a world free from nuclear weapons. It is regrettable that this body continues to fail in overcoming its prolonged deadlock due to the lack of political will particularly on the part of nuclear weapons States. We recognize the important task ahead of us and the responsibility you are entrusted with as the CD's first Presidency in 2022 in this regard. We appreciate that you have already conducted consultations with member States with a view to crafting a balanced and comprehensive programme of work to addresses the CD’s core mandate, particularly nuclear disarmament.  My delegation remains committed to engaging with you and other CD’s President as well as other delegations to have a fruitful outcome in 2022 session through making a comprehensive and balanced programme of work that encompasses all its four core mandates, namely: Nuclear disarmament, Fissile material treaty (FMT), Prevention of an arms race in outer space (PAROS), and Negative security assurances (NSAs).   Mr. President, While witnessing the adoption of the new nuclear policies by some nuclear states, our firm belief has been reinforced on the wisdom and the agreement reached at the SSOD-I that “the most effective guarantee against the danger of nuclear war and the use of nuclear weapons is nuclear disarmament and the complete elimination of nuclear weapons”. In fact, the only absolute guarantee to ensure such weapons will never be used again, is their total, irreversible, transparent and verifiable elimination. That is why it was agreed upon in SSODI that “effective measures of nuclear disarmament and the prevention of nuclear war have the highest priority.” Based on that conviction and the gravity of the danger posed by nuclear weapons, we should fundamentally put nuclear disarmament at the top of our priorities here in the CD with a particular focus on negotiation of the elements of a legally binding instrument to that end and nuclear weapon States have the primary responsibility for nuclear disarmament. In the interim, the Non-Nuclear Weapon States do have a right to a treaty based on Negative Security Assurances. The final document of the SSODI in 1978 asked nuclear weapon States “to take steps to assure the non-nuclear-weapon States against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons….and urges them to pursue efforts to conclude effective arrangements to assure non-nuclear-weapon States against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons.” The same has been highlighted by the NPT Review Conferences, particularly in the 13 practical steps in 2000 RevCon and the action plan on nuclear disarmament in 2010 RevCon, which includes concrete steps for the total elimination of nuclear weapons.     Mr. President, After the initial proposal by Iran more than 5 decades ago in early 1970s for establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East, in spite of all efforts including 1995 resolution and the continued international calls; the realization of that aspiration has been blocked by Israel regime. It has rejected, violated and ignored all international regimes on weapons of mass destruction, continues to be the only impediment in realizing such a zone, and remains its non-adherence to the NPT and other international disarmament instruments.    Mr. President,   I would like to make a quick reference to the ongoing negotiations aimed at reviving the JCPOA following the US unwarranted unilateral withdrawal in May 2018. Iran continues to engage, in all good faith and with an overly constructive approach, with other JCPOA participants in order to pave the way for full re-implementation of JCPOA commitments. The ball is in the other Side's court as they persist in violation of the agreement by carrying on with the Trump's malign and illicit maximum pressure legacy.  The other Side must discontinue its policy of shifting blames and recognize the insurmountable damage they have caused to the principle of " Pacta sunt servanda " either through US unilateral withdrawal or by the E3's passive and appeasing approach following the Trump's unlawful act.